Sunday, October 14, 2007

Should Conservatives Support Rudy Giuliani?

(Hat tip to a veteran CO Republican operative for the story)

From Scripps Howard News

"The most important 'traditional value' in this election is keeping the Clintons out of the White House," says Greg Alterton, an evangelical Christian who writes for SoConsForRudy.com and counts himself among Rudolph Giuliani's social-conservative supporters.

People like Alterton are important, if overlooked, in the Republican presidential sweepstakes. Anti-Giuliani Religious Rightists are far more visible. Also conspicuous are pundits whose cartoon version of social conservatism regards abortion and gay rights as "the social issues," excluding other traditionalist concerns.

New York's former mayor "has abandoned social conservatism," commentator Maggie Gallagher complains. He "is anathema to social conservatives," veteran columnist Robert Novak recently wrote. Focus on the Family founder Dr. James Dobson has said: "I cannot, and will not, vote for Rudy Giuliani in 2008." Dobson and a cadre of Religious Right leaders threaten to deploy a pro-life, third-party candidate should Giuliani be nominated.

This "Rudyphobia" ignores Giuliani's pro-family/anti-abortion ideas, his socially conservative mayoral record, and his popularity among churchgoing Republicans.

While Giuliani accepts a woman's right to an abortion, he told Iowa voters in August: "By working together to promote personal responsibility and a culture of life, Americans can limit abortions and increase adoptions." Among Giuliani's relevant proposals:

--"My administration will streamline the adoption process by removing the heartbreaking bureaucratic delays that burden the current process." Giuliani notes that sclerotic court schedules, exhausted social workers, and tangled red tape prevent moms and dads from adopting some 115,000 boys and girls in foster care.

-- Giuliani wants the Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives to promote organizations that help women choose adoption over abortion.

-- He would like to make permanent the $10,000 adoption tax credit.

-- Giuliani also would encourage states and cities to report timely and complete statistics to measure progress in abortion reduction.

This is no sudden conversion on the road to Washington. As mayor, Giuliani did nothing to advance abortion. On his watch, total abortions fell 13 percent across America, but slid 17 percent in New York. Between 1993 and 2001, Gotham's tax-funded Medicaid abortions plunged 23 percent.

Giuliani's campaign for personal responsibility created a climate that seemingly discouraged abortion. Moving 58 percent of recipients from welfare to work may have encouraged women and men to avoid unwanted pregnancies. New York's 57 percent overall-crime reduction and 67 percent homicide drop probably reinforced such self-control.

Compared to the eight Democratic years before he arrived, adoptions under Giuliani soared 133 percent.

-- Giuliani also proposed eliminating the city's $2,000 marriage penalty. He chopped it to $400.

-- Giuliani opposed gay marriage in 1989. "My definition of family is what it is," Giuliani told Newsday 18 years ago. "It does not include gay marriage as part of that definition."

-- He jettisoned New York's minority and women-owned business set-aside program. Giuliani explained: "The whole idea of quotas to me perpetuates discrimination."

-- Giuliani sliced or scrapped 23 taxes totaling $9.8 billion and shrank New York's tax burden 17 percent. This left parents more money for children's healthcare, private-school tuition, etc.

Giuliani could have governed comfortably as a pro-abortion, pro-welfare, pro-quota, soft-on-crime, tax-and-spend, liberal Republican. Instead, Giuliani relentlessly pushed Reaganesque socio-economic reforms through a City Council populated by seven Republicans and 44 Democrats.

These accomplishments may explain why he leads his competitors and impresses churchgoers. Among Republicans in an Oct. 3 ABC/Washington Post poll, Giuliani outran former Sen. Fred Thompson, 34 percent to 17, versus Sen. John McCain's 12 percent, and Mitt Romney's 11. As "most electable," Giuliani scored 50 percent, versus McCain's 15, Thompson's 13, and Romney's 6.

An Oct. 3 Gallup survey found Giuliani enjoying a 38 percent net-favorable rating among churchgoing Catholics, compared to McCain's 29, and Thompson's 25. Among Protestant churchgoers, Thompson edges Giuliani 26 percent to 23, with McCain at 16, and Romney at 7.

Religious Right leaders should study Giuliani's entire, socially conservative record, not just the "socially liberal" caricature of it that hostile commentators and lazy journalists keep sketching. Social conservatives should not make the perfect enemy of the outstanding. Ultimately, they should recognize that a pro-life, third-party candidate would subtract votes from Giuliani in November 2008.

This would raise the curtain on a 3-D horror movie for social conservatives: "The Clintons Reconquer Washington" -- bigger, badder, and more vindictive than ever.

1 comment:

Steven M Nielson said...

The issue, as I see it, is that the GOP is facing an identity crisis.

Are we the party of values that have set us apart from other "progessive" views, or are we the party that is merely concerned with winning, even if it means voting against our moral code?

There are two camps in the GOP now... those who want to win no matter what, and those who don't mind losing to prove a point about the fundamental principles of the party.

I am not at liberty to discuss support or opposition for any candidates, but I can comment on the fundamental principles which should guide our party. As the Democrats are moving farther to the left, and therefore the moderate ground is moved further to the left, we need to decide how far left we are willing to let our platform move. The Leader of the Party is the Presidential Candidate, and their "vision" will directly effect the party platform. If the platform continues to follow the Democrats to the left in an attempt to secure the new middle ground, then the GOP risks alienating the conservative base... the very 25% who are undecided, and unhappy with the leading candidates' liberal social values.

So do we want to win at the risk of further losing our conservative identity, or do we want to maintain our value at the risk of losing control of the Executive Branch? What is more important?

I would argue that the latter is the more important, in that the conservative values, if maintained, will be triumphant in the end.

We need to stop the cycle of "lesser of two evils", and put forward a good candidate, though less popular, and have the decision be a good, conservative candidate, versus an evil socialist candidate... and then let the people decide.